Pakistan's "Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement" with Saudi Arabia is more than a security story. It is a balance-of-payments story, a remittance story, a sovereign-risk story-and, potentially, a mining and energy story. If Islamabad plays it right, the pact can be monetised into predictable, programmatic inflows that de-risk the next few years of its IMF program. If it plays it wrong, Pakistan could swap short-term liquidity for long-term dependency and higher geopolitical risk premia.
The facts first. On 17 September 2025, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia signed a mutual defence pact that commits each side to treat aggression against one as aggression against both-language that analysts immediately likened to collective-defence clauses elsewhere. Public briefings by Pakistani officials stress the agreement is "purely defensive" and does not place nuclear weapons on the table, even as outside observers read it as an "extended deterrence" umbrella for the Kingdom. What is indisputable is that the pact formalises decades of security ties (including Pakistan's longstanding training presence in the Kingdom) and lands at a moment of regional insecurity and recalibration.Those geopolitics matter because they impact the cash flows that Pakistan relies on.
There are immediate.First, Saudi deposits and rollovers. Riyadh's $3 billion deposit parked at the State Bank-a buffer that Pakistan has repeatedly relied on since 2021-was rolled for another year in December 2024. On paper, that looks like a simple maturity extension; in practice, it serves as a standing backstop that compresses Pakistan's near-term default risk and supports the rupee by stabilising usable reserves. The new pact increases the political incentive to continue such rollovers. But this is still debt, not equity: it reduces near-term outflows while bunching obligations later.Second, the $1.2 billion oil-payment deferral facility was agreed in February 2025. This is textbook supplier credit: roughly $100 million a month of FX outflows delayed by a year, directly smoothing Pakistan's current-account cash burn. In a year of expensive sovereign funding, the opportunity cost saved on those deferred dollars-especially when T-bill and PIB yields are elevated-has real fiscal value. The flip side is a ballooning bill next year unless the facility is rolled again or refinanced with longer-tenor energy financing.
The defence pact tilts the probability toward future rollovers-but prudence is to plan for amortisation.Third, remittances. Saudi Arabia is Pakistan's single largest remittance corridor by far. SBP data show monthly inflows from the Kingdom repeatedly topping $800 million through mid-2025, and Pakistan posted record-high total remittances in FY 2025. The pact institutionalises a relationship that already channels labour income at scale; if it results in more work visas or regularised secondments of Pakistani personnel, it could lock in an even larger, more predictable stream. A marginal 5-10% uplift from Saudi corridors alone would move the annual needle by $0.8-1.6 billion at recent run-rates.
The sensitivity is obvious: any diplomatic chill that jeopardises visas hits the external account immediately.Beyond the near-term, two investment legs matter: energy retail/downstream and copper-gold mining.On energy, Aramco's completed acquisition of a 40% stake in Gas & Oil Pakistan (GO) in 2024-and the subsequent launch of Aramco-branded stations-signals Saudi capital's embedding in Pakistan's retail fuel supply chains. That brings downstream capex, supply-chain know-how and, potentially, better trade credit terms from a super-major that can arbitrage supply at scale.
It is not the long-discussed mega-refinery (still hypothetical), but it is tangible and expandable-and a better risk fit for Pakistan's market size.On mining, the real swing factor is Reko Diq. Reuters and other outlets have reported that Manara Minerals-the PIF/Ma'aden vehicle-has been in advanced discussions to take a 10-20% stake, reportedly $0.5-1.0 billion, from the government's share. If this closes, two things follow: (1) Pakistan monetises part of its stake into hard FX without ceding the project's overall control to a single foreign operator (Barrick remains at 50%); and (2) Riyadh becomes strategically invested in the success of Pakistan's flagship copper project just as global copper tightens with EV and grid demand. Barrick's CEO has touted a mouth-watering-but long-dated-$74 billion free cash-flow estimate over 37 years; the market will haircut those numbers, but even conservative scenarios shift Pakistan's export mix materially once production starts (currently targeted late-2028).
A Saudi anchor increases the odds of getting from here to there, including by crowding in multilateral and export-credit debt already circling the deal.There is also a pipeline of MoUs-about $2.2 billion signed in October 2024 and publicly upgraded to $2.8 billion weeks later-spanning agriculture, IT, logistics and industry. MoUs are not FDI, and conversion rates are historically poor; however, the architecture Pakistan built via the SIFC to shepherd Saudi projects, plus the political weight of a defence pact, improves the chances of turning a portion of that pipeline into booked investment. Think of the pact as collateral for execution: it reduces the perceived risk of Pakistan backtracking on facilitation commitments.Put together, the defence pact plus these concurrent finance channels have three macro-level impacts.One, the external-financing gap is easier to manage inside the IMF program. In March-May 2025 Pakistan reached staff-level and Board approvals on the first EFF review and a climate-linked RSF window (unlocking roughly $2 billion). Every non-IMF dollar that arrives on time-oil deferrals, deposit rollovers, programmatic FDI-reduces the need for panic import compression and stabilises inflation expectations. Lenders also price sovereign risk off geopolitical insurance: even if the economics haven't changed, a perceived Saudi guarantee can lower Pakistan's risk premium at the margin, easing T-bill yields and reopening parts of the local market to longer tenors.Two, sectoral spillovers can be real. If Aramco/GO expands capex, Pakistan gets private investment in retail infrastructure (storage, logistics, digital payments at the pump) with productivity effects.
If Manara comes into Reko Diq, that catalyses ancillary services in Balochistan-power, roads, water management-often co-financed by multilaterals. And if defence-industrial cooperation expands into joint maintenance/training contracts, Pakistani firms can earn hard-currency service exports without fresh commodity imports-exactly the kind of margin-rich external earnings Pakistan lacks today. (The pact explicitly deepens training and cooperation frameworks that have existed for decades.)Three, the costs are not zero. Aligning security and finance concentrates key-partner risk. A deterioration in Riyadh's relations with another major power-or sanctions risk triggered by any perception of nuclear transfer-would transmit to Pakistan's financial channels quickly: bank compliance tightens, correspondent lines re-price, and even remittance corridors can become administratively sticky. Also, deposit rollovers and oil deferrals are not free; they embed option value for the lender.
If oil prices spike, deferred bills grow; if global rates rise, the opportunity cost of keeping $3 billion parked increases for the depositor-raising the bar for the next rollover. Meanwhile, India and other partners will read the pact through their own security lenses, feeding risk premia in capital markets unless Islamabad continues to signal narrow, defensive intent-as it has since the signing.What should Islamabad do to convert symbolism into solvency?Lock the liquidity. Seek a two-year extension for the $3 billion deposit and a two-year rolling window on the oil-deferral line, with a transparent amortisation schedule that matches Pakistan's seasonality of FX receipts (post-Ramazan remittance spikes and harvest cycles). Embed these as standing facilities-less negotiated theatre, more rule-based rollover.Close one marquee equity deal. Prioritise a binding Manara stake at Reko Diq before year-end, with an offtake component that underwrites project debt.
Equity beats deposits: it doesn't mature, and it aligns incentives for the next 30+ years. Pair that with a credible local-benefits package to keep social licence in Balochistan intact as the project scales.Convert MoUs into capex. Use the SIFC to publish a public dashboard of Saudi MoUs with dated milestones (licensing, land, grid connection, fiscal approvals). Investors hate black boxes; sunlight increases conversion rates. Start with the easy wins-logistics, storage, quick-turn IT services-rather than chasing a mega-refinery that Pakistan's demand base and fiscal space cannot support today.Protect the remittance engine. Treat Saudi labour mobility as strategic infrastructure. Fast-track skills accreditation aligned to Saudi standards (construction tech, hospitality systems, healthcare support), and negotiate a multi-year visa-quota pathway tied to training outcomes inside Pakistan. The ROI dwarfs many "export promotion" schemes and shows up every month in SBP data.And communicate the red lines. Keep reiterating what Islamabad has already said: the pact is defensive, nuclear issues are "not on the radar," and economic cooperation runs on its own track under the Supreme Coordination Council's economic pillar. Markets price clarity.
None of this denies the risks. Pakistan is still a low-savings, low-productivity economy navigating another IMF program with flood-related shocks and an energy sector that periodically overwhelms public finances. But the defence pact, if monetised smartly, can be more than a photo-op. It can be the political-economy scaffolding that turns a handful of Saudi finance links-deposits, oil credit, downstream capex, a mining stake-into a medium-term glide path away from crisis cycles. That is the right way to read "defence" in 2025: not only as missiles and brigades, but as predictable flows that make solvency boring again.
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