In an interview with ADEBAYO FOLORUNSHO-FRANCIS, former National Vice Chairman (North-West) of the All Progressives Congress, Mallam Salihu Lukman, expresses his dissatisfaction with the governing party. He also addresses his disagreements with ex-Governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, as well as sheds light on the developing alliance between political groups such as the League of Northern Democrats and the Social Democratic Party.
Your The resignation from the APC was a significant surprise for people in Nigeria. Given that their push for changes resulted in the departure of the previous National Chairman, Senator Abdullahi Adamu, and National Secretary, Iyiola Omisore, it seems odd to step away just when they might have felt victorious.
Individuals might rightly claim that I felt frustration. It would also make sense for them to assume that I’d feel pleased about Senators Adamu and Omisore departing. Nonetheless, my disagreement wasn’t rooted in personal animosity towards them. Rather, I strongly opposed their approach to leadership because key accords within our party were being disregarded. Despite making certain requests, those weren’t even considered. When agreements seemed reached, instead of revisiting these points to find solutions collaboratively, things proceeded without alteration. Yet after leaving, I anticipated minimal compliance—adhering strictly to the party’s constitutional procedures—to fill the now-vacant roles.
What does the APC constitution state regarding this matter?
According to the party’s constitution, states responsible for producing the officers were granted the chance to nominate their successors. In the instance of Omisore, who served as the National Secretary, this constitutional rule was adhered to; thus, Osun State had the right to make such a nomination. However, when it came to Adamu, things unfolded differently due to high-level discussions within the party leadership. These conversations involved me directly since I received information indicating that the President favored Dr. Abdullahi Ganduje but did not wish to include him in his cabinet despite having previously promised him the role of Federal Capital Territory Minister during the election campaign. This prompted my intervention regarding whether filling positions in the Cabinet should take precedence over maintaining strong ties within the party itself. After all, sacrificing the integrity of the party merely to accommodate an individual like Ganduje seemed counterproductive to our goals. It wasn’t about disliking Gandhi personally—I hold no grudges against him—but rather ensuring regional representation aligns appropriately among Northern West leaders whenever decisions concerning key appointments arise.
Do you mean that influential figures and key participants from the Northwest region, similar to yourself, were not consulted prior to announcing Ganduje as the new leader of the APC party?
No, that wasn't how things were going. Rather, we seem to be moving towards an almost monarchical style of operation. Everyone surrounding us seemed eager to win the president's favor and found nothing amiss in his conduct. Indeed, the President had numerous options at his disposal. There was certainly anticipation regarding appointments, and expectations ran high. That is precisely what unfolded. Personally, I believed that when selecting someone to head the party, qualifications should take precedence over everything else, which Ganduje—given his history—clearly lacks.
Initially, various accusations surfaced. Secondly, concerning his expertise in managing party affairs, I found him unqualified, apart from his past experience as a governor. My opinions were quite transparent; I did not conceal them publicly. Honestly, I think for a party aiming to progress, the bare minimum required would be to permit internal discussions and let the stronger viewpoint prevail. However, this was not the case. When Senator Abdullahi Adamu froze key parts of the party’s operations, these entities ceased functioning regularly—save for the National Working Committee—which then led to an even worse scenario. Even when meetings occurred within those bodies, they yielded little tangible outcomes. Actually, during the NEC assembly that chose Ganduje, there was absolutely no discussion involved. Although I wasn’t present, it became evident through observation: everyone seemed focused solely on discerning and aligning with the President’s preferences before voicing their own thoughts.
Could it be that the President reached out to specific stakeholders in the North-West region before declaring Ganduje as the new APC chairman?
No, I invited anyone to step forward; however, nobody was involved in the process. He chose Ganduje alone. Another source of irritation, which I mentioned could indeed be accurate, pertains to the leaders from Central Northern Nigeria, particularly those affiliated with the Nasarawa Party. These individuals did not voice their opinions nor seize the chance to affirm their authority by stating that according to the party’s charter, these were their rightful privileges. I won't conceal this fact. Abdullahi Sule, Governor of Nasarawa State at the time, deeply let me down. As long as politics continues like this, revealing truths yet staying silent follows suit. If even governors refrain from defending the interests of their states, then what hope remains? Consequently, once I resolved to depart, it became evident post all negotiations that they might label me unfit due to my outspoken nature regarding positions within the party. Naturally, such decisions were reached. Thus, I reflected: seeing as I’ve established myself, I didn’t emerge through patronage but earned recognition based on merit. My standing stems from respected party figures who value my contributions. Yet, enduring further risks tied to potential dismissals wasn’t worth contemplating—it would tarnish my reputation significantly. Henceforth, whatever advice I offered afterward would likely get dismissed under suspicion of bias linked back to expulsion grounds.
Realizing later that almost everyone contacted expressed reluctance towards collaboration citing concerns over perceived criticism levelled against them—indicating discomfort around associating closely—they effectively sidelined me. Therefore, recently sending public correspondence served as an official statement signaling my disillusionment concerning continued engagement with the organization since joining proved futile toward achieving meaningful reforms aimed at improving conditions internally until mid-last-year approximately. When confronted with widespread skepticism among peers discouraging closer ties owing primarily to fear surrounding negative perceptions associated with aligning oneself with vocal critics, isolation ensued compelling decisive action indicating termination of active participation moving forth focusing instead on broader national issues seeking allies capable of addressing pressing challenges collectively leading us here today.
Did you meet Tinubu after resigning from APC?
I encountered him once. It happened during Baba Bisi Akande’s birthday celebration at the (Aso Rock) Villa. I felt honored to be there. The Speaker of the House of Representatives brought me to meet him. After greeting me, he enquired about my absence. In response, I mentioned that I wasn’t sure how to approach him. Consequently, he instructed the Speaker to introduce me. However, every time I broached this topic again with the Speaker, they would find some pretext or another for delay. This matter seems significant only to them. I won't force myself upon anyone; instead, I've continued living my life since the universe extends beyond our individual circumstances.
Are you sorry about leaving APC?
I'm certainly pleased with the decision I made since it relieved me from many issues currently plaguing others. Choosing to join politics means embracing decisions wholeheartedly. By consciously opting to become part of the APC, we embraced a significant change. Among those present at the inception of the APC, I often emphasize this: If asked to identify five individuals who initially advocated for party mergers in our nation, I would undoubtedly include myself within that group. This occurred well ahead of when most leaders recognized its importance. Actually, shortly following the 2011 elections, I initiated such efforts without much planning. The initial draft included various pieces like open letters addressed to Asiwaju; these were compiled into what became known as 'A Manifesto of Opposition Politics in Nigeria.' It seems this compilation came together sometime around January 2012.
Are you considering joining another political party following your departure from APC?
Upon realizing that the APC has deteriorated significantly and seems nearly unredeemable, the primary objective now is to unite all opposition leaders along with those discontented figures within the APC—whom we refer to as politically dislocated individuals—to form a new party genuinely capable of fostering robust political rivalry in Nigeria. Nigerian citizens’ disenchantment with present democratic processes stems from the lack of unpredictability; one can foresee that Asiwaju would likely become the APC's presidential nominee for 2027. Additionally, every incumbent governor entering his initial term will probably run again unopposed. Depending on their relationships with higher-ups such as senators, representatives, and assembly members—who often align themselves according to directives set forth by governors and possibly even the president—their retention becomes assured.
The complaints voiced between 2007 and 2011 regarding vote invalidation persist today. One might anticipate that elections scheduled for 2027 won't hinge upon popular opinion but rather reflect preferences dictated solely by sitting officials ranging from the presidency downwards. This sentiment echoes through certain remarks made recently, including comments attributed to Dr. Ganduje stating publicly 'there are no vacancies in Aso Rock.' To suggest otherwise reveals either ignorance or a profound misunderstanding of basic governance principles since constitutional provisions ensure regular electoral turnovers. It strikes me as profoundly arrogant when someone so educated and informed makes such claims—a clear indication of sheer insolence and audacity. While respecting these views, it remains crucial to deliver honest feedback directly: change must occur.
It doesn't appear that you trust a shift in INEC leadership will be enough to rebuild voters' faith.
I simply hope things do not deteriorate further. To truly grasp my perspective, one must witness their degree of arrogance. There was this academic who spoke about "democracy without democrats," and what we're observing today perfectly encapsulates his observation.
The proliferation of crises-themed events across various regions—from Kano to Rivers, Osun, Lagos—only underscores how widespread the issue has become. It’s crucial to study the principles of democracy; one key strength lies in its ability to mediate disputes and foster reconciliation. However, in Nigeria, it appears our present framework lacks such reconciliatory capabilities. Rather than dialogue, there seems to be a display of power dynamics everywhere.
Consider the scenario in Lagos State: This exemplifies the breakdown of the contemporary democratic model. Both the governor and members of the Governor's Advisory Council concurred on removing the speaker. Yet somehow, despite these opinions, something akin to high-level coercion occurred, leaving many bewildered as to why nothing changed for the better within Lagos.
Could you provide an update on the alliance among opposition groups and the suggested formation of a mega party?
I'm not sure if it's considered a major one or something else. Let me be frank here. People have various perspectives on this. Traditional politicians simply see it as an additional stage to compete for elections, aiming to beat Asiwaju.
Some among us aim not only to defeat Asiwaju but also to reform Nigerian democracy. Our objective includes rectifying the errors committed by the APC. It’s essential that certain aspects which initially drew people towards the APC can be replicated in such a manner that facilitates success. Recall what promises the APC made back in 2015; they pledged to transform Nigeria entirely. Citizens anticipated changes like ending the practice of imposing candidates without primaries, something deeply frustrating under the PDP.
The dissatisfaction with the PDP stems largely from candidate impositions rather than democratic processes within parties. When the APC vowed transformation, expectations included eliminating these undemocratic practices. However, instead of progress, we find ourselves mired in greater levels of appointments devoid of competitive selection. This issue isn’t new; I’ve discussed it before, particularly during our struggle against Mai Mala Buni as chairman of the Caretaker Committee in 2021. At that time, I advocated for elections within the party leadership ranks—a stance I held despite benefiting personally from the ‘unity list,’ wherein governors selected party leaders directly. Those who purchased nomination forms were assured refunds upon stepping aside willingly, highlighting how decisions often bypass genuine electoral procedures.
Wasn't this the same problem that led one of the APC chairman candidates to take both Ganduje and the party to court?
Absolutely! So far, it hasn’t happened yet. But now, we need to make a shift. Personally, when speaking to everyone involved in our discussions, I’ve emphasized that the new party shouldn’t follow the old pattern where individuals simply nominate proxies to run for office. That approach won’t work; I’d be among the first to oppose such an initiative because it would get us nowhere.
Instead, what we should do is replicate how we handled things within the APC—initiate grassroots activities like organizing ward conferences and local government assemblies freely, allowing members to participate directly in these processes. This could span over approximately a year, ensuring transparency and fairness throughout every aspect of running the party. Members should also have opportunities to compete fairly for positions across various levels, with winners determined by genuine support from fellow members rather than pre-determined outcomes. By following this method, we’ll truly progress towards building something effective.
For my part, setting clear expectations starts with acknowledging that whoever leads the party needs to commit fully: they’re prepared to let internal democratic practices prevail. They must accept both victory and defeat gracefully, knowing full well that winning depends solely on member votes.
Why haven't you thought about joining El-Rufai in the SDP before this major party gathering?
The concern regarding the SDP has been brought up, and personally, I've engaged in conversations with at least their national chairman. The challenge lies in how the SDP, particularly the national chairman, seems unwilling to embrace a democratic procedure. There’s reluctance from his side to agree to undergo such a process even upon returning as the party head. However, should he shift stance tomorrow and express readiness for democracy, then we would consider cooperating with the SDP. Additionally, figures like Mallam Nasir El-Rufai joining the SDP haven't bothered me; my only wish is that ultimately, these members recognize this venture isn't solely about holding elections. What citizens desire is a political outfit capable of fostering genuine competition. Should those terms align, count me in. Otherwise, participation won’t happen.
What role does the League of Northern Democrats play in all of this?
Initially, I was quite optimistic about the League of Northern Democrats. However, based on what the organizer conveyed, it seems they mishandled the situation by appointing Senator Ibrahim Shekarau as chairperson. I wasn’t shy about expressing my concerns during our gathering. In fact, at the league's assembly, I voiced strong objections against Senator Shekarau since his style of leadership does nothing to unify the region, which is currently deeply fragmented. My critique stems from observing how divisive he acts within Kano; he fails to bring together influential figures statewide. I'm open to debating these points transparently with anyone involved. Furthermore, their approach feels somewhat hasty. Rumor has it they’re considering forming a political party. Is this initiative meant solely for the north? If yes, then it wouldn't comply with electoral laws, which mandate nationwide representation for parties seeking candidacy in elections. Additionally, despite frequent discussions via social media platforms such as WhatsApp, actual physical gatherings seem sparse. Thus, one might perceive their organization more akin to an informal group rather than a structured entity.
A lot of individuals view your connection with El-Rufai from various angles. While some consider you to be a stooge, others see you as an ally. Could you shed light on this for us?
What I can share is our mutual respect. At one point, he served as my governor. Our connection goes back further than that—before he took office. In this dynamic, despite differing opinions and moments like when Adams (Oshiomhole) referred to me as a pig, I approach relationships through the lens of an extended family. This means respecting someone doesn't preclude expressing disagreements openly. Disagreement should never be mistaken for lack of respect. However, if such differences lead others to avoid working with me due to perceived disloyalty, then so be it—I wouldn’t force collaboration.
This describes how I relate to El-Rufai. Even today, I continue to differ politically from him; yet, shared values remain. For instance, during times led by Comrade Adams Oshiomhole where certain actions were misguided, though I held the role of Director-General at the Progressive Governors' Forum, personal convictions within the party guided my stance. Moreover, beyond partisan affiliations, my national identity influences these views. Thus, without consulting anyone else, including governors, I voiced concerns publicly. People like His Excellency (Atiku) Bala Bagudu—and many current state leaders—are well aware of this situation. The governors involved include: Sanwo-Olu, Prince Dapo Abiodun, Hope Uzodinma, Bello Masari from Katsina, and former Kano Governor Ganduje—who expressed their displeasure over my position.
If you were indeed as close as they claim, why wasn't El-Rufai include you in his SDP defection strategy?
Indeed, my connection with Mallam El-Rufai runs deep because we hail from the same state and share membership in the same political party. He was generous enough to nominate me for a position on the National Working Committee of the APC. As everyone is aware, however, we've also experienced some differences. Given his recent departure, which seemed somewhat predictable following an interview he did on Arise TV, you could say the signs were clear. While I anticipated that perhaps he would wait until we collectively decided to leave as part of ongoing negotiations, ultimately, he chose another path. I trust this move won’t result in a split within our efforts. My sincere wish remains that at some point, we'll find common ground again and unite under one umbrella once more.
Provided by Syndigate Media Inc. ( Syndigate.info ).
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